2006/12/23

Religious Beliefs and Violent Entertainment

An item from Alternet: "A recent study indicated that those with strict religious beliefs enjoy violent and sexually explicit movies as much as any other person. In 2005, a study of 1,000 Americans sponsored by MarketCast and Variety found that those who were the most conservative in their religious beliefs were actually more likely to see films rated R for violence than those who consider themselves more liberal in their religious beliefs."

2006/12/13

The Rise of Pentecostalism in the World

An interview that goes in conjunction with the Pew Forum Report. I seriously believe that charismatic or pentecostalist "christianity" will become the biggest challenge facing Orthodoxy in the 21st century. The idea of "being saved" already totally determines Christian religious discourse all over the world; it is the one issue a missionary has to be prepared to answer.

This interview is found at http://foreignexchange.tv/?q=node/1757, which it is mistitled "In Depth: Democratic Hopeful". I post it here in its entirety. You might also like to see this related article, which I posted on my Africa blog.

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Fareed Zakaria: With globalization many had predicted there would be a decline in religion, but the opposite has been true. The most interesting fresh twist to this phenomenon is the rise of evangelicalism and to discuss it as well as a new study on the rise of Christian Pentecostalism around the world is Luis Lugo, the Director of the Pew Forum for Religion and Public Life.

Luis, let me ask you: Why is it that evangelicalism and... Pentecostalism as a kind of rough rubric for Pentecostals and charismatics— people who speak in tongues, who have you know a feeling of personal revelations and things— why is that specifically on the rise? The--the figures... are quite extraordinary; 23-percent of Americans could be so characterized; 49-percent of Brazilians; 60-percent in Guatemala; 56-percent in Kenya; 34-percent in South Africa. Particularly in Latin America and--and Africa this is way up from 25 years ago.

Luis Lugo: Well I think there were several reasons that Pentecostalism has taken root and grown so fast.... First of all, Pentecostalism seems to generate a very intense personal experience with a divine which is often described as extremely joyous. So that’s— that’s one element and you see this throughout the survey; no one indicates a higher degree of intimacy as it were with the world of the spirit and then Pentecostals and that’s true across the board. It’s also the case that Pentecostal has proven itself extremely adaptable. In societies which do not make a sharp distinction between the body and the spirit, Pentecostalism fits right into that context because it doesn’t make that sharp distinction. It sees that the world of the spirit is impacting every day life in a very profound sense, and this is both the divine, the gods in direct intervention, but also the world of angels and demons. There’s a strong emphasis in Pentecostalism on exorcism for instance; you see that clearly indicated in the report. Many of these folks who get attracted to Pentecostalism are internal migrants within their own societies and they find in Pentecostalism an instant community, a strong outreach, and then plugging them into churches, but also the proliferation of small groups— Bible studies, Bible reading. It’s clear from our survey findings that no one participates more in small communities than Pentecostals.

Fareed Zakaria: So--so it sounds to me like this is a--an interesting reaction, a reaction that started in the Western world to the rise of industrial capitalism and then globalization because it seems as though what it is providing people with is a sense of community, a sense of intimacy, a sense of companionship but also providing them with some highly individual and--and personal relationship which is very different from the very hierarchical nature of the old Catholic Church or the old Anglican Church.

Luis Lugo: I do think that there is very much a part that globalization is playing here. We’ve already mentioned immigration which is part and parcel of globalization, one of the most remarkable aspects.

Fareed Zakaria: Because it’s--it’s disorienting people and they want--

Luis Lugo: That’s precisely right.

Fareed Zakaria: --some certainty?

Luis Lugo: That’s right and not just people who cross borders, but people who cross internal borders, you know let’s say from rural areas to--to urban areas. They are also disoriented, so I do think that it--that it’s fair to say that this represents if not a backlash at least a response to the disorienting forces of modernity, of globalization. It’s--we picked this up for instance in the moral absolutism of Pentecostals; no one is more committed to a set of moral absolutes than--than Pentecostalism--than--than within Christianity, so it does seek to provide people with--with an anchor, a moral anchor that--that is both as you say highly personal, but also communitarian. And that combination seems to be--seems to be working in the spread of this movement.

Fareed Zakaria: It’s also very anti--I don’t know if I’d use the word anti-scientific but certainly at odds with science in the sense that you know there’s a very strong emphasis on things that you would normally find difficult to explain through normal scientific or rationalist methods. You have you know--in the United States 54-percent of Pentecostals say they have received direct revelations from God; 34-percent say they have experienced or witnesses exorcisms. That seems to me more of the old smells and bells stuff of the--of the old Church, you know people who saw the Virgin Mary or things like--. Oh, what explains this--there’s an almost a return to some of the mystery of the old Church?

Luis Lugo: Yes; I think that is definitely the case--the return to mystery and the sense of the supernatural. I would caution you against drawing easy conclusions though based upon some Pentecostal beliefs including the conclusion that they’re necessarily anti-scientific. It’s entirely possible for Pentecostals to have a very strong sense of--of the divine--of divine healing, etcetera and that going along side-by-side with a commitment to modern medicine and so forth. So I would not necessarily draw that--that sharp distinction here.

Fareed Zakaria: Are they--are they Republicans or Democrats?

Luis Lugo: In this country they tend to be quite Republican, along with other evangelicals. We typically--when we do our surveys put Pentecostals and evangelicals together because they do have a very similar moral orientation and--and political orientation, so they are heavily Republican. It--it--but that’s another mistake that people make; sometimes they--they view the moral conservatism of Pentecostals which in this country leads them to the Republican Party around these cultural world issues and then are surprised to find that elsewhere such as in the recent elections in Brazil for instance they actually threw their support behind Lula Da Silva, the left-center candidate and so there again people--it’s people are surprised by that. Well if you know that in the Latin American context political conservatism is closely associated with the dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in society you would see then why a religious minority like Pentecostals would support candidates that go away from that orientation--that open up the political and religious system.

Fareed Zakaria: Now the one place where the inroads are not that impressive is Asia. One of the things that I noticed in the surveys--even in South Korea where there seems to be remarkable headway, you still have 50-percent of South Koreans describing themselves essentially as--as non-religious.

Luis Lugo: The single biggest churches are in Korea; we’re talking hundreds of thousands of--of people, so in Korea it has had an impact. In the Philippines which is the one majority Christian country in Asia it’s also had a significant impact mostly through the Catholic charismatic renewal. And then in--in parts of India, where incidentally there were Pentecostal like outbreaks 50--60 years before Azusa Street Revivals in Los Angeles in 1906 in the--the Southern--Tamil Nadu and Kerala areas of India, so there is a longstanding history there but you’re quite right. We have not seen the numbers in Asia that we have seen in Africa and Latin America.

Fareed Zakaria: Let me ask you finally about one similarity that struck me, which is the similarity in the Pentecostal and charismatic conception of the end of days and the end of life on earth with what in Shia(ism) people talk about the return of the Mahdi. There’s--you know people are now worried about Ahmadinejad and his--the fear that he might be trying to hasten the end of the world. This is actually a core belief in--among these charismatics you were talking about.

Luis Lugo: No one believes more strongly in the second coming of Christ, which all Christians believe than--than do Pentecostals. Moreover, they have a very strong sense of--of what they call the rapture of the church which does have a whole prophetic set of teachings around it and--and so the expectation, the imminent return of--of the Lord is very much part of the Pentecostal mindset. It’s part of what propels Pentecostals to be so evangelistic; no one that we’ve been able to determine is as intent on spreading the faith and converting people than our Pentecostals and part of the reason from the very beginning has been that if--if the Lord is going to come soon then we better get as many people saved as--as we possibly can. There are some interesting issues here with respect to--to Islam. I’m glad you brought it up because when you look at those four or five countries that we surveyed where there is a challenge from Islam of one kind or another, Pentecostals even more than others tend to take a very negative view of--of Islam and tend to therefore support the US-led War on Terror. This is one immediate foreign policy implication of--of this movement. In places like the Philippines for instance and Nigeria, high levels of support for the US-led War on Terror and--and some serious concerns about--about Islam--that’s reinforced by the fact that there’s a strong Zionism that’s built into Pentecostalism--very strong pro-Israel positions. Even in countries that have you know really no stake in--in the Israeli Palestinian conflict, Pentecostals much more so than others take a very strong pro-Israeli position and I think this is also due to their--their understanding of the end-times and the role of Israeli in the coming of the Messiah. So there are some interesting overlaps and parallels here between Pentecostalism and--and certain aversions of Islam with respect to the coming of the Mahdi, yeah.

Fareed Zakaria: Well this is a fascinating report and fascinating conversation. Thank you very much, Luis Lugo.

Luis Lugo: Thank you; my pleasure.


See also this related article, on my Africa blog.

2006/12/09

Chaudhry on Richard Dawkins

And this was from a leftist news weekly— In These Times— jbb.


The Godless Fundamentalist


In The Root of All Evil, biologist Richard Dawkins reveals his own lust for certainty

By Lakshmi Chaudhry


December 8, 2006

Religion fucking blows!” declares comedian Roseanne Barr in her latest HBO special. Her pronouncement, both in its declarative certainty and self-congratulatory defiance, could easily serve as the succinct moral of Richard Dawkins’ documentary, The Root of All Evil.

The big-screen version of a two-part British television series follows the noted biologist as he embarks on a global road-trip to the veritable bastions of theological conviction—the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, a Christian conservative stronghold in Colorado Springs, a Hassidic community in the heart of London—bullying, berating and heckling the devoutly faithful he encounters along his way.

Confronting cancer patients who have traveled to Lourdes in hopes of a cure, Dawkins tells the viewer in the first scene, “It may seem tough to question the beliefs of these poor, desperate people’s faith.” By the end of the documentary, Dawkins’ bravado is not in doubt. When talking to Ted Haggard, a New Life Church pastor (more recently infamous for his predilection for crystal meth and gay prostitutes), after witnessing one of his sermons, Dawkins tells him, “I was almost reminded of the Nuremberg rallies … Dr. Goebbels would have been proud.” To a hapless guide at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, he taunts, “Do you really believe that Jesus’ body lay here?” And then there’s his remark—”I’m really worried for the well-being of your children”—to a Hassidic school teacher, Rabbi Herschel Gluck, whom Dawkins accuses of brainwashing innocent kids.

As he storms his way around the world in the state of high dudgeon, Dawkins’ attitude can be best described as apocalyptic outrage. The effect is in turns bewildering, embarrassing, grating and even unintentionally comic, as we watch the distinguished Oxford University Charles Simonyi Professor of the Public Understanding of Science channel his inner Borat. When the astonished rabbi exclaims, “You are a fundamentalist believer,” even a sympathetic, true-blue San Francisco audience cannot help but chuckle in assent.

As his rabbinical nemesis rightly suspects, Dawkins’ fondness for sweeping generalizations reflects his own deep-seated fundamentalism, a virulent form of atheism that mirrors the polarized worldview of the religious extremists it claims to oppose. “They condemn not just belief in God, but respect for belief in God. Religion is not just wrong; it’s evil,” writes Gary Wolf in his Wired Magazine cover story, “The New Atheism,” whose leading exponents include—in addition to Dawkins—Daniel Dennett, a philosophy professor at Yale, punk rocker Greg Graffin and Sam Harris, author of The End of Faith: Religion, Terror, and the Future of Reason. These are the self-styled “Brights,” the moniker of choice for Dawkins to describe “a person whose worldview is free of supernatural and mystical elements.”

The “bright” worldview is also remarkably free of complexity. Dawkins’ view of faith can be summed up thus: Religion is dangerous because it requires that we suspend our powers of reason to place our faith in the shared delusion that is God. This, he asserts, is the first step on that “slippery slope” to hatred and violence.

When we cede our “critical faculties” to believe in the idea of a higher power, Dawkins claims, we are immediately invested in a panoply of increasingly ludicrous propositions: that the Virgin Mary ascended directly to heaven, Moses parted the seas, God created the world in seven days, or beautiful virgins await good Muslims in heaven. Why not, he asks, believe in fairies or hobgoblins?

Faith, in his universe, is interchangeable with superstition, eccentricity, madness, and, at its most benign, infantilism. Religious conviction is a marker of human backwardness, both in a historical and psychological sense. According to Dawkins, human beings invented religion as a “crutch” for ignorance. Without science to help us understand the world around us, we turned to gods/faith/superstition to cope with our sense of helplessness. Today, religion remains a source of succor to those unable to outgrow their childish desire to see the world in terms of “black and white, as a battle between good and evil”—unlike atheists who are “responsible adults and accept that life is complex.”

“We’re brought from cradle to believe that there is something good about faith,” says Dawkins, as he compares this belief to “a virus that infects the young, for generation after generation.” Fortunate are the “responsible adults” who grow up to shake off these beliefs, unlike the rest of humanity who remain trapped in their infantile desire to be taken care of by an all-powerful deity.

Unlike fairytales, however, our religious beliefs are not harmless, says Dawkins, they instead lay the foundation for the murder and mayhem inevitably wreaked by true believers. His evidence: the Inquisition, the Holocaust, the Crusades, the 9/11 attacks, and less spectacular crimes against humanity like suicide bombers, anti-abortion killers, and so on.

This broad-stroked caricature of faith is delivered with a breathtaking disregard for historical context, in which social, political or economic conditions are simply ignored or discounted. “[Dawkins] has a simple-as-that, plain-as-day approach to the grandest questions, unencumbered by doubt, consistency, or countervailing information,” writes Marilynne Robinson in the November Harpers’, while reviewing his bestselling book, The God Delusion. And on screen he is no different. Of course, there are sound political causes for the Palestinian conflict, Dawkins hurriedly acknowledges—only to assert in the same breath that the real culprit is religion, which teaches its adherents to think, “I’m right and you’re wrong.”

Not unlike the religious simpletons he claims to disdain, Dawkins sees the world in terms of a battle of Good vs. Evil, cloaked here as Science vs. Religion. Where Religion is corrupt, tyrannical and false, Science offers intellectual integrity, freedom and truth. As Robinson notes, Dawkins fails to acknowledge Science’s less admirable achievements, be they eugenics, Hiroshima, or the more mundane travesties committed by unethical doctors or fat-cat researchers in service of corporate funding.

“Dawkins implicitly defines science as a clear-eyed quest for truth, chaste as an algorithm, while religion is atavistic, mad, and mired in crime,” Robinson writes.

In this version of atheist theology, Science attains the same status as Dawkins’ loathed “alpha male in sky,” whose laws rule all things known and unknown. If we do not quite understand how the universe was created or the human brain works—or the competing, contradictory claims about the virtues of, say, table salt—all we need to do is wait and keep faith in the scientific method, which will reveal all in good time. The ways of Science are no less sacred or mysterious than that of God.

Like his fellow fundamentalists, Dawkins has no use for moderation or its practitioners. The people of faith featured in his documentary are strict, true believers, who adhere to the most rigid interpretations of their respective faiths. There are no Muslim doctors, church-going geneticists or Catholics who support abortion rights. Anyone who believes in evolution and God is just as deluded or in denial, and, as he tells Wired, “really on the side of the fundamentalists.”

Nothing less than a complete renunciation of all things spiritual will suffice. “As long as we accept the principle that religious faith must be respected simply because it is religious faith, it is hard to withhold respect from the faith of Osama bin Laden and the suicide bombers,” he writes in The God Delusion, in an eerie echo of President Bush’s post-9/11 point of view: “You’re either with us or against us.”

It would be silly to argue that the new atheists’ crusade is as dangerous as the so-called war on terror, but that crusade does give aid and comfort to fundamentalists everywhere by affirming their view of faith: one, science and religion are mutually opposed and exclusive worldviews; two, religion is immutable and outside history; and therefore, three, the Bible (or the Quran, for that matter) must be taken literally, and is not open to interpretation. For both camps, ignoring one law or moderating a single injunction is the first step toward rejecting the faith in its entirety.

This great war of ontologies, seductive though it may be in our beleaguered times, becomes immediately absurd if we remind ourselves of one simple fact: Science and Religion are historical in the richest sense of the word. They both inform and reflect our changing ideas about ourselves and the world around us. From the practice of throwing a woman on her husband’s funeral pyre in India to determining intelligence by the shape of person’s skull in Europe—both of which seem hateful today—religious and scientific beliefs ebb, rise and transmute themselves over time. To pretend otherwise is to ignore the vast bulk of what we call History, which the Brights seem just as willing to rewrite as their theological adversaries.

As innately human endeavors, religion and science are therefore as unreasonable, noble, immoral, kind, tyrannical, odious, compassionate—in other words, irredeemably human—as the people who literally embody them. Yes, the laws of nature and those of God might still exist without human beings, but there would be no one to name or know them as such, or act on that knowledge. Taken together, they express our need to both submit and to control, to know and to believe, to be in the visible world and to transcend it.

That the vast majority of us would find it difficult to choose between the two should be hardly surprising. The antidote to fanaticism is not a new puritanism of reason, but the contradictory, ambiguous, compromised reality of ordinary human experience.


Lakshmi Chaudhry has been a reporter and an editor for independent publications for more than six years, and is a senior editor at In These Times, where she covers the cross-section of culture and politics.

2006/12/02

Enigma of ancient world's computer is cracked at last


The Antikythera Mechanism
The Antikythera Mechanism

A 2,100-year-old clockwork machine whose remains were retrieved from a shipwreck more than a century ago has turned out to be the celestial super-computer of the ancient world.

Using 21st-century technology to peer beneath the surface of the encrusted gearwheels, stunned scientists say the so-called Antikythera Mechanism could predict the ballet of the Sun and Moon over decades and calculate a lunar anomaly that would bedevil Isaac Newton himself.

Built in Greece around 150-100 BC and possibly linked to the astronomer and mathematician Hipparchos, its complexity was probably unrivalled for at least a thousand years, they say.

"It's beautifully designed. Your jaw drops when you work out what they did and what they put into this," said astronomer Mike Edmunds of Cardiff University, Wales, in an interview with AFP.

A reconstruction of Antikythera Mechanism.

"It implies the Greeks had great technical sophistication."

The Antikythera Mechanism is named after its place of discovery, where Greek divers, exploring a Roman shipwreck at a depth of 42 metres (136 feet) in 1901, came across 82 curious bronze fragments.

At first, these pieces, thickly encrusted and jammed together after lying more two millennia on the sea floor, lay forgotten. But a closer look showed them to be exquisitely made, hand-cut, toothed gearwheels.

It was clear that, within this find, 29 gearwheels fitted together, possibly making some sort of astronomical calendar. But of what, exactly?

For a quarter of a century, the textbook on the strange find was a work written by a historian of science and technology, Derek de Solla Price.

He hypothesised that the Mechanism in fact had 31 gearwheels, and did something pretty astonishing -- it linked the solar year with a 19-year cycle in the phases of the Moon. This is the so-called Metonic cycle, which takes the Moon 235 lunar months to the same phase on the same date in the year.

Edmunds' team, gathering experts from Britain, Greece and the United States, has now taken the tale several chapters forward.

In a paper published on Thursday in Nature, they describe how they used three-dimensional X-ray computation tomography and high-resolution surface imaging to peek beneath the Mechanism's surface, yet without damaging the priceless artefact.

There, they read inscriptions on the bronze cogs that had been unseen by human eye since that Roman ship came to grief aeons before.

The original device, they believe, is likely to have comprised 37 gear-wheels and comprised two clock-like faces, one front and one back, which would have fitted into a slim wooden box measuring 31.5 x 19 cm (12.5 x 7.5 cm) and a thickness of 10cms (four inches).

The machine was a 365-day calendar, which ingeniously factored in the leap year every four years.

And it not only provided the Metonic cycle, which was known to the Babylonians, it also gave the so-called Callippic cycle, which is four Metonic cycles minus one day and reconciles the solar year with the lunar calendar.

It could also predict lunar and solar eclipses under the Saros cycle, a 223-month repetitive interplay of the Sun, Earth and Moon. This function, presumably, would been useful for religious purposes, given that eclipses are traditionally taken as omens.

The Machine was also a star almanac, showing the times when the major stars and constellations of the Greek zodiac would rise or set and, speculatively, may also have shown the positions of the planets.

But even more impressive is a tiny pin-and-slot device that factors in a movement of the Moon that, for centuries, puzzled sky-watchers.

In this so-called main lunar anomaly, the Moon appears to move across the heavens at different speeds at different times -- the reason being its elliptical orbit around Earth.

"Newton used to say he would think about this until his head hurt," notes Edmunds, wryly.

This latter discovery prompts the scientists to wonder if the great Hipparchos, who drew up the first catalogue of the stars and wrote about the lunar anomaly in the 2nd century BC, may have had a hand in designing the Mechanism.

Adding circumstantial evidence to this theory is that the shipwreck was found to have jars and coins from Rhodes, where Hipparchos lived.

The computer is so advanced in its mathematics and technology that the history of ancient Greece may have to be rewritten, contends Edmunds.

"We now must ask: What else could they do? That's a difficult thing, because this is really the only surviving metallic artefact of its kind. Who knows what else may be lost?"

It was not until the end of the first millennium AD and the golden age of Islamic science that anything so technologically wondrous surfaced again, if the archaeological evidence is a guide.

This was an eight-geared astrolabe, depicting the movements of the Sun and Earth, by the Islamic astronomer al-Biruni in AD 996.

Had the Greeks' knowledge somehow survived and been transmitted across the centuries, to inspire al-Biruni? Or had it withered away and disappeared, leaving Islamic scholars with the task of rediscovering what had been known a thousand years before?

http://www.physorg.com/printnews.php?newsid=84029305